Erstellt am: 17. 10. 2014 - 18:37 Uhr

"They are trying to control your dreams"

Idris Nassan ist Außenbeauftragter des belagerten Kobanê. Während eines langen nächtlichen Telefonats berichtet er von den Kämpfen gegen die IS-Terroristen, von denen er gerade 700 Meter entfernt ist.

Noch während wir telefoniert haben, geht eine überraschende Meldung ein: Die US-amerikanische Regierung führt jetzt auch offiziell Gespräche mit der in Nordsyrien bestimmenden kurdischen Fraktion PYD. Noch vor wenigen Tagen - UN-Generalsekretär Ban Ki-Moon hatte bereits vor einem Massaker in der kurdischen Stadt gewarnt - schien die Lage ausweglos.

Als ich Idris Nassan nach einigen fehlgeschlagenen Versuchen auf seinem türkischen Mobiltelefon erreiche, wirkt er freundlich und besonnen. Fast eine Dreiviertelstunde lang gibt er Auskunft über das Leben in einer Stadt, in der um jedes Haus gekämpft wird, und über die politischen Hintergründe der aktuellen Situation.

EPA

What is the current situation in Kobanê?

They [the international Anti-IS-coalition] targeted a lot of ISIS activities. YPG began a "cleaning operation" in the Eastern suburbs of Kobanê - pushing ISIS back and gaining back the headquarters of Kobanê security forces that are called Asayish in Kurdish. Also in the Western countryside, YPG could push ISIS back, capturing back the village of Tel Shair that had been controlled by ISIS a week ago.

Footage of the moment #YPG captured Tel Shair hill in #Kobane #twitterkurds #Turkey http://t.co/lO36a8Mwvr

— Kobane News ! (@Shiyoki87) 15. Oktober 2014

So, is there some cautious optimism about the situation?

Public Domain

Idris Nassan, Kobanê's deputy foreign minister

Yes, of course. There is optimism. The YPG are controlling again about 85 percent of the city after ISIS had been controlling about nearly 40 percent of the city in the few last days.

What about the road from Kobanê to Turkey? I read that a lot of times, ISIS tried to get hold of this road.

You mean on [to] the gate on the border to Turkey?

Yes.

They tried to reach to and control the gate because it is the only way for the YPG and also for the civilian people to flee to Turkey if ISIS made progress adverted to the center. But the resisting of the YPG was very strong - they pushed them back and they are away from the gate border now.

Just for us here, very far away, to get the picture straight: How big is the safe zone you can walk around (in) and meet people and talk to others?

Unfortunately, it is not safe for anyone to walk around and meet people like before the clashes. Because there is bomb shelling, there are snipers, and also clashes are not very far [away]. But now we are more relaxed because YPG pushed ISIS back in many areas around us. This is very good for us.

When it comes to your everyday life in this situation: Can you even get some sleep at night?

The situation is very hard and people don't sleep normally. They are awake most of the time because of the noise of bomb shelling, the noise of airstrikes and clashes. They live in a psychologically difficult situation because of the fear of ISIS. They know that they are under constant threat by ISIS. If ISIS made progress within the city, they know that they are going to be beheaded, they are going to be raped, and also they are going to be jailed or captured and moved to other places to be used as slaves. ISIS is very bad for the people.

Also because of the shortage of the essential things of life they don't feel relaxed. But they are resisting and they believe that they have to resist against these terrorists to protect their houses and their town.

How far away from clashes are you right now?

It depends on the side of the city - In the east of me the clashes are maybe about 700 metres [away], in the South, clashes are about two kilometres [away], because the clashes are [on the] out[side] of the city, but in the West, the clashes are far [away], about seven to eight kilometres away.

New graves dug in temporary graveyard for YPG fighters killed by ISIS in #Kobani , in border town Suruc, waiting. pic.twitter.com/2avzDOM1WN

— Ayla Albayrak (@aylushka_a) 13. Oktober 2014

What about food and medical supplies for all the people that still are in Kobanê? In a Newsweek report written by a journalist who still is in town, I read that people have already begun digging wells to get drinking water and that there is no proper electricity or medicine - is that all true?

Of course. [There is a] shortage of everything. Shortage of drinking water, as you mentioned. We draw the drinking water of a well - a shallow well, so the drinking water is not pure and some people fell sick because of that. Also, [there is a] shortage of food, because Kobanê is besieged from four sides. Even before the clashes [began], ISIS were [had been] besieging Kobanê for a year. Also, [there is] a shortage of medicine, a shortage of children's milk and everything. Life is very difficult inside Kobanê. People depend on what they stored in their houses and on some relief coming from Turkey, because Kurdish organizations in Turkey, from time to time, [are able to] send small amounts of relief that people depend on to continue life.

How do you generate electrical power?

We just depend on generators. It is a year now [that] we have been using generators to produce electricity. There is no electricity in Kobanê, because when ISIS [began to] control Sarim, which is a small town in the South of Kobanê, they cut off the electricity as a kind of "punishment" for Kobanê and people who [had] declared the democratic autonomous administration. Also, they cut drinking water which had come from a small town in the West of Kobanê. So, Kobanê depends on generators for electricity and depends on wells for drinking water.

I read about some people sometimes being able to smuggle in something but I guess that is very rare...

Of course, you know just Kobanê depends on smuggling – not [from] native people, but other Arab people who are from the neighbouring town, because it is forbidden for Kobanê people to smuggle or to go out of Kobanê to other parts of Syria, because as I mentioned, ISIS besieged Kobanê and they captured people who went out of Kobanê. So, some Arab dealers were smuggling food and other essential things for life to Kobanê because of high prices of [paid by] Kobanê.

Taking advantage of the situation?

Yes, of course. Also, from time to time, some people were going to Turkey to bring some things back from Turkey - but that was very rare, because the Turkish border is closed at this time. Maybe a month ago, less than a year ago, maybe six months ago, a group of school children aged 14-16, when they were returning from Aleppo after their final exams there, they were captured on the road and taken into custody. Some of them were released and others are still in custody until now.

By ISIS?

Exactly. They are being brainwashed now. Some of them are becoming ISIS members.

Eines der Schulkinder, von denen Nassan im Interview spricht

What is your estimate on how many civilians still are in Kobanê?

There are thousands of civilians. Some of them are inside Kobanê and others are stuck at the border to Turkey. It is very difficult to know for me how many people are inside or outside of the border. But there are thousands of them because Kobanian people fled many times and some of them would return and flee back because of the difficult situation here with the clashes.

Can you say how many fighters you still have in Kobanê?

That's also difficult [to say], because I know that there are thousands of fighters in Kobanê because from time to time new volunteers are coming - Turkish Kurds who come to join resist ISIS in Kobanê.

Like, basically the ones who manage to kind of get themselves in without Turkish border guards noticing?

Yeah.

Also, YPG spokesperson Polat Can said in an interview that you are now directly cooperating with the Anti-IS-Coalition, giving away positions of IS. Is that the reason why the airstrikes have become more effective?

Yes, of course. There is some kind of coordination with the international coalition by YPG. Because of this, the coordination of the airstrikes became more effective in the last few days. Before that, the airstrikes weren't so effective, and we couldn't see any the difference on the ground. But now, it is very clear, that the jet fighters are targeting very well.

Are there many civilians who want to get into Turkey but who are not being let in or as a civilian is it always possible to get into Turkey and flee the situation and the clashes?

There are thousands of people that are stuck at the border. They wanted to cross to the other side to Turkey, but the border is closed by the Turkish government. We call - we called a few days ago - and also we again call for the international community, especially UN, to help put more pressure on the Turkish government to open a humanitarian corridor for these people who are stuck at the border and also for thousands of people who are inside of Kobanê. Because these people are in very urgent need of food, of all existential things for life. They have to be provided with water, food and medicine. Also, on the other hand, we need weaponry and ammunition for YPG fighters, because these fighters are part of the international coalition which is fighting against the terrorism.

What equipment do you need?

Effective weaponry against tanks, armored vehicles and humvees, rockets, canons, mortars. Most of the heavy weaponry that is used in a battle between countries, because they [ISIS] seized a lot of this weaponry from many military positions in their fights in Iraq and inside Syria.

Even if no corridor could be established, has there been any talks about sending you ammunition and supplies via airdrop?

Of course they can drop weaponry and ammunition from air - but it depends on deciding to do so. If they decide, they can, and we are waiting for them to give up on the Turkish agreement on not opening up a Korridor to Kobanê.

What do you think makes it so difficult to come to terms with Turkish prime minister Erdogan - is it the "coalition" not coming to terms with each other, or are there economic reasons... ?

The Turkish attitude against Kobanê is not just for economic reasons, but also for political reasons. This is an old affair between the Turks - especially the Turkish government - and Kurdish people. They do not want the "Kurdish case" in Syria or in other parts of Kurdistan to be developed because they do not want the Kurdish people to be more independent. They are afraid - because there are millions of Kurds inside Turkey who demand their rights inside Turkey.

So, the development of the democratic administration, of the independent administration in Rojava - in Kobanê, Efrin and Cezire - which are Kurdish areas in Syria, means that the Kurdish in Turkey are going to take this administration as a symbol and demand more rights in Turkey. So the Turkish government tries to destroy this administration.

With the Turkish bombings of PKK strongholds in Turkey and the ongoing embargo at the border gate - do you see any chance at the moment for the peace process between Kurds and Turks still further even existing?

I think, the peace process is on the line [in the balance], and it depends on the coming days, how the Turkish government, if they are going to change their attitude towards Kobanê, Kobanian resistance, or not. I think that in the coming days, we are going to find more uprisings inside Turkey, demonstrations, protests and clashes. More clashes are going to start between Turkish army and PKK fighters. This is not useful for both sides. I hope that the Turkish government change their attitude against Kobanian resistance. Not just for this reason, but also because a control of Kobanê by ISIS is not good for Turkey; for Turkish people and Turkish government, too.

A main argument of those who are against helping you is that PYD and also their armed forces YPG are affiliated with PKK who are still considered a terror organization by many countries, including the US and EU. What is your take on that?

I am the co-deputy foreign minister of Kobanê council. I am a member of the democratic autonomous administration. But I am not a member of PKK and also I am not a member of PYD. I am a member of another party, the Syrian Kurdish Democratic Party which is different from the PKK and also from PYD, which means that this administration is not just a "PKK administration" or a PYD administration. We are kind of 37 organizations. Which means [that the] general administration is not [a] "PKK administration". They want to accuse this administration [of being a] PKK administration to destroy it easily, to put on the "terrorist accuse". So, it is not true. And we have a lot of evidence that this is not true and what is going on on the ground is very different from what they are going to describe it as.

Because we just talked about the administration in the Cantons of Efrin, Kobanê and Cezire: Generally, can you tell me about the democratic efforts you made building this administration? In terms of equality and the quite peaceful coexistence of different religions.

The administration is about some kind of sharing between, first of all, women and men. It is [shared] 50:50 between women and men. I am not the deputy, I am co-deputy because there is a girl that is my colleague in the [ministry of] foreign affair[s]. Everybody of this administration [consists of a man against a woman]. We call them buddies, not ministers. But also, all components of our region share [with]in this administration. Arabs, Kurds, Chechens, Turkmens etc. They also have their own forces within YPG - they are fighting hand-in-hand. This administration is about sharing. A common administration of all components of this regions. On the other hand, this is the first time, you can see an administration that is giving 50 percent to women within the Middle East [which is] a very big aid [progress] towards democracy.

When you were forming this administration, you were also introducing a new constitutional law. Apart from what you just told me about - compared to before, about sharing and cohabitating, are there other main innovations to this constitutional law compared to what had been in rule in these areas before/being under Syrian control?

Yes: Under the Syrian regime a minority of people were administrating the whole country. But within this adminstration, all people are sharing [with]in [the] administration so this is a very big step towards democracy, too.

Before I called you I just read that French President Hollande said that he wants to help Kobanê. Does it depend on the international coalition to come to terms with each other before that [this] can be regarded an "official statement"?

That is a very good statement. We are waiting for words to turn into actions and lead to receiving their help on the ground in Kobanê. Also, political tributes for the Kobanê resistance would be very good for us to see the international community supporting us - even if it is [only] diplomatic until now. But I think that in the coming days, these diplomatic activities will change into actions and this will be very good.

But if there would be no help - if there came the situation that there would be no chance to defend Kobanê, what would you do?

Without help of the international community, Kobanê is not going to survive for a long time. If it is going to fall into the hands of these terrorist barbaric groups of ISIS, they are going to behead a lot of people, they are going to rape, they are going to kill, to [make] children including children girls [suffer] and this would be a very very sad action. And it would be too late for the international community to be sorry, to feel sorry about Kobanê. I think, they are not going to give up Kobanê and they are going to help Kobanê but it is just a matter of some political discussions. And I think in the end, Kobanê is going to survive by the help of the international community, because now we are seeing more intensive airstrikes day by day.

#Kobane doctor: "ISIS blew up operating hospital/ clinics in #Kobane. There is still only our clinic." Pics hospital pic.twitter.com/7fedtpq2cU

— Jenan Moussa (@jenanmoussa) 15. Oktober 2014

... plus there is no other group fighting against ISIS who is that motivated...?!

Of course. Comparing what happened exactly in Iraq to what happened in Kobanê, you will find a very big difference between the two forces. Even in Kobanê, we have just some few thousands of fighters, of men and women, and in Iraq there is a big army, but Kobanê is still resisting for a month now. In Iraq, cities fell within a few days. This is because in Kobanê the fighters of YPG and YPJ - they are men and women fighters - they have very high morals, because they feel they are defending their homes, they are defending their brothers and sisters, they are defending their rights to be human beings. They are not defending [fighting] for some political affairs [advantages] or for some extremist strategies or sectarian reasons. For this reason, YPG are stronger than others fighters. They are ready to fight until the last drop of their blood. You cannot find this feeling [sentiment] within other armies.

There is so many rumours on the internet that Kobanê's defence is being led by a woman - or is she "just" the commander of a YPJ unit? People are sending around pictures of a girl whom they call "Narin Afrin"?

As I mentioned beforehand, in Kobanê and also in Cezire and Afrin, within the autonomous democratic administration, everything is "co". Even the military leading is shared. We have Narin Afrin and Mahmud Berxwedan - they are sharing leading of YPG and YPJ.

Apart from administrations, international organizations and diplomatics, what can people do who want to support the people in Kobanê from abroad?

First of all they have to know that Kobanê is fighting for humanitarian rights and humanitarian affairs. Kobanê is fighting terrorism. Kobanê is fighting for independence - not to be independent from Syria. No, to be independent as people who want to live. Also, Kobanê is fighting for freedom and democracy against these barbaric terrorists who are trying to control your dreams, to control your feelings and to change your feelings and dreams into nightmares. For this reason, the whole international community must stand hand-in-hand against these terrorists and help Kobanê to stand with weaponry, ammunition, food and the essential things for life, and have [put] more pressure on their governments to help Kobanê and not to give up Kobanê.